Japan's Military Role in the Region

The decision in late 2003 by Japan to commit troops to Iraq was widely welcomed by America and her allies (especially those already engaged in Iraq) as the beginning of Japan's efforts to take wider responsibilities for world security and stability. While certainly there are many obvious benefits to having the second largest economy in the world contribute its fair share to the "on the ground" tasks of ensuring peace and stability, there should also be consideration for ways in which to move forward from here.Pause for concern may not so much be directed at the act of Japan reintroducing itself into the dirty work of world security, but rather to the sources from which such impetus came.

Starting with the Japanese Prime Minister himself, we have a politician whose support is predominantly from the rank and file of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This conservative, largely rural demographic often shows support for displays of blatant nationalism. The Japanese deployment to Iraq was popular amongst them as are Koizumi's annual visit to the controversial Yasakuni Shrine, the resting place of 11 Class A war criminals. Koizumi's reliance on this group also cannot be understated as he was elected against the general desire of the parliamentary element of the LDP who bowed to rank and file pressure. Bare in mind also that Koizumi himself is the son of a Prime Minister who supported re-militarisation immediately after WW2 and also did his political apprenticeship under a similarly inclined individual.

Central to the debate regarding the Iraqi troop deployment is the older debate conerning Japan's war-renouncing constitution. Within Japan, conservative elements of the government have long campaigned for changes to the document, effectively paving the way for complete removal of the militarily constricting elements. Although there is significant opposition to this, the move to deploy troops to Iraq can be seen as nothing less than a victory for those campaigning for constitutional change. Perhaps in itself, this is not so worriesome, until we take a look at some of the politicians supporting that change. Figures such as Shoichi Nakagawa (the former Trade Minister) have a long history of stirring arguments with neighbouring countries. His xenophobic comments during the recent anti-Japanese riots in China were terribly unhelpful in diffusing the situation. His involvement with oil companies in Japan has also led him to angering China by visiting (with his oil buddies) disputed areas in the South China Sea (thought to be ripe for oil exploration). One wonders what actions he would push in this area, had Japan no constraints on the use of the military. So too Sintaro Ishihara, the infamous governor of Tokyo whose gaffs have included remarks to the effect that Japan's invasion of Asia in WW2 was largely positive for those countries. Stunningly this man is the most popular politician in the country. These two figures are just the predominant figures of a much wider group whose ideas are not dissimilar.

With such characters who support remilitarisation, we also begin to enter the realm of Japanese ultra-conservative politics. Almost identical sentiments to those expressed by Ishihara and Nakagawa are regularly eschewed by a well organised minority of ultra nationalists who in the best traditions of facism eschew the benefits of remilitarisation and xenophobia. Such sentiments for some reason have far greater traction in mainstream Japan than they do in the west. Such groups are often seen at train stations in quasi-military uniforms and black Humvee-style veicles blaring nationalist speeches and songs on their loudspeakers. They also find supporters amongst the same group that supported Koizumi to the Prime Ministership.

With the main support for Japan's Iraqi deployment coming from such groups, politicians and their supporters, it may be time for the international community to start treading a little more carefully in regard to Japan's re-entry into world security responsibilities. While a fair argument can be made for Japan to contribute its share to security and UN sponsored missions, the repurcussions in Japanese domestic politics should also be taken into consideration. Tempered encouragement rather than an open arm welcome should be the call of the day.